Liability driven investing conference 2011 ford
Hence, immigration policy is a form of structural racism: exclusionary policies provide the most permanent and broad-scale type of segregation by prohibiting groups from entering the country, deporting those already here, and limiting the rights of those deemed to be threats.
Immigration policy influences health disparities in several ways. First, these policies can contribute directly to our understanding about population health. For instance, foreigners applying for entry into the United States are required to pass a medical exam that screens for certain infectious diseases, substance use, and mental disorders.
This screening not only denies entry for those who are less healthy but also may serve as a deterrent for some contemplating migration. These screening policies would also distinguish documented from undocumented immigrants. By definition, undocumented immigrants do not undergo the medical screening, and hence, should show less healthy selection than documented immigrants. The literature generally suggests that undocumented immigrants fare worse than documented immigrants because of socioeconomic factors, but the screening practices may play an independent and complementary role.
Consistent with this argument, Kelaher and Jessop found that undocumented Latinas were more likely to have a low-birth-weight infant than documented Latinas, even after accounting for education, country of origin, and other risk factors. Future studies using a similar approach could quantify the contribution of these screening practices on health estimates. For instance, historic restrictions on Asian immigration affect our inferences about Asian Americans today.
Had these policies not been established, the current-day Asian American population would likely be numerically larger. This implies that part of the current-day data gaps for Asian Americans is due to historically racist policies. Because non-immigrants generally have higher morbidity than immigrants, it is possible that current health estimates for Asian Americans would show greater morbidity. That is, structural racism in the form of restrictive policies directly influences population size, our inferences about health, and the resources available for the study of a given population.
For the sake of completeness, researchers studying the healthy immigrant effect and similar phenomena should use a broad historical lens that incorporates the legacy of immigration policy. The Affordable Care Act continues this trend of excluding undocumented immigrants and imposing restrictions on documented immigrants.
Research on the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act PRWORA suggests that these policies exert not only direct effects via means testing but also indirect effects through discouragement. This suggests that legislation can harm immigrants, not only directly via eligibility standards but also indirectly via a climate of fear, even among those legally eligible to receive services.
Third, the broader anti-immigrant climate can contribute to experiences with discrimination, stress, and illness For instance, Lauderdale documented an increased risk of preterm birth and low birth weight among Arab-named women following the September 11 attack. No increase was seen among other women, and this disparity was attributed to a climate of anti-Arab sentiment. This study raises numerous questions about how the current immigration legislation arising from Arizona Senate Bill and other states may contribute to health outcomes among Latinos.
The bill is currently being challenged in court. Regardless of whether the bill is ultimately upheld, it would be of interest to see if the climate that the bill generated contributes to poor health outcomes among Latino populations. More generally, racism may manifest as xenophobia.
Experiences of racism based on language and nativity can be just as important as experiences based on race Viruell-Fuentes ; Yoo et al. Latino and Asian immigrants were more likely than non-immigrants to report discrimination in health care Lauderdale et al. Yet, few existing instruments of racism explicitly account for anti-immigrant sentiment, potentially understating the level of concern for immigrant communities Gee et al. The literature is replete with research on acculturation and health, but these studies may fail to account for discriminatory experiences faced by immigrants Finch et al.
Proxies for acculturation, such as years in the United States, can indicate not only cultural adaptation but also exposure to racial bias Gee et al. Hence, studies of immigrants should do a better job of accounting for racism, and vice versa.
Fourth, research should investigate disparities not only by race and ethnicity but also by citizenship Noncitizens were more likely to report discrimination in health care and less likely to have health insurance and a usual place for care than citizens Yu et al.
Noncitizens often work in occupations without insurance benefits Goldman et al. The literature on citizenship and health has focused on access to health care. Yet, it is important to acknowledge that citizenship extends far more deeply into fundamental rights, such as the ability to vote. Scholars have recognized that studies of race and health must also consider socioeconomic position Krieger et al.
We believe this argument should be extended to nativity and citizenship. We should also develop a more granular analysis between immigrant types. This can take several forms, including between documented versus undocumented migrants, between citizens and noncitizens, and even within classes of legal noncitizen immigrants. While it is a concern that individuals may be reluctant to provide such information, the California Health Interview Survey has shown that undocumented persons from Mexico are willing to provide this information under the right circumstances Ortega et al.
Ford and Harawa , therefore, proposed that ethnicity be conceptualized as a two-dimensional construct in research on health disparities: an attributional dimension that describes characteristics e. According to this model, immigrants racialized as Black e. This pattern may hold within groups: for example, among darker-skinned Latinos e. Intergenerational Drag A comprehensive research program on racism and health must account for key ways that historical factors influence present outcomes.
The racist actions and inequities experienced by one generation may be felt across subsequent generations. Indeed, key characteristics of structural forms of racism e. Seemingly inexplicable disadvantages that persist across conditions, subpopulations, and time may be attributable to historical traumas Brave Heart and DeBruyn, , or to what some have called intergenerational drag. Intergenerational drag views contemporary disparities as the cumulative effects of macrolevel systems interacting with one another in ways that generate and sustain racial inequalities.
Intergenerational drag research attempts to determine what fraction of a contemporary disparity is attributable to an historical event. It examines not only the losses of one group but also the corresponding gains by another group. Prior research on intergenerational drag has focused on how factors such as educational attainment or wealth of one generation contribute to population level socioeconomic disparities in a subsequent generation Heckman and Payner, ; Margo Studies have also examined whether racially differential allocations of resources during the U.
This type of research helps in assessing the long-term effects of policies and other societal characteristics on disparities. Following this initial reduction, literacy rates steadily increased for Black children through the mid-twentieth century. Disparities in the quality of the educational opportunities available to Black relative to White children persisted, however.
While this literature generally suggests that past events can have material consequences for subsequent generations Collins and Margo, ; Heckman and Payner, , few studies target health outcomes or health disparities. Applying intergenerational drag approaches to the study of health disparities could help to clarify how contemporary mechanisms, baseline differentials between groups, and the cumulative accrual of advantages and disadvantages from one generation to the next influence various health disparities.
This idea is also consistent with a growing body of theoretical and empirical work on life course and health. For instance, research indicates that stressors encountered by parents while an infant is in utero may increase the risk of heart disease and other illnesses when the child becomes an adult Barker ; Seckl and Holmes, Other studies suggest that environmental traumas, such as famine, may alter gene expression in subsequent generations Pembrey et al.
Diverse theory-based strategies may be used to model intergenerational trends. The simplest models specify a standard rate of change across multiple generations. To improve the precision and accuracy of overall estimates, however, one may specify a different rate of transfer for each generation. Consider the post-World War II period when the government assisted veterans in purchasing homes. The amount needed to purchase a home and the resultant net wealth transferable to the next generation differed substantially during this period from either the period preceding or following it.
These ideas could be extended to health disparities. For instance, studies could examine how racial disparities in the transfer of wealth across generations contribute to inequities in morbidity. In addition, the rates should be calculated with baselines that carefully consider potentially important racialized events. Some of these baselines may refer to specific historic events. For example, using a baseline of i. Other baselines may represent specific traumatic events e.
At the same time, these events may serve as the focus for the investigation of period-specific events see, for instance, Lauderdale The comprehensive study of racism and health should account for the impact of historical factors on present outcomes. Both baseline traumas and intergenerational effects encourage the persistence of racial disparities through time. This shortfall, which widens and contracts based on asset returns and interest rates, is typically viewed as debt by credit ratings agencies.
The voluntary buyouts will not change the pension shortfall, but lowering the overall size of the obligation will help Ford align plan assets with liabilities. Like many businesses, both GM and Ford have taken steps to shift their pension assets to steady, fixed-income investments and are pouring in cash to fund those plans. Ford received governmental approval to make the lump-sum payments in March.
Ford shares have lost The stock closed down 1. Over a lunch of roast pork and whitefish, they fielded questions about the lump-sum offer and how the plan would roll out. That would make it less expensive to make those offers, said Jonathan Barry, a partner at benefits consulting firm Mercer. Initially, Ford said the deal would be offered to about 90, workers, but the final tally came in higher.
Ford has already hammered out the buyout figures for all the eligible employees and plans to roll out the plan in stages. Each wave of retirees will be randomly selected. Employees will each receive a postcard followed by an informational kit with their offer. After that, they have 90 days to make a final decision on the one-time offer.

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